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11324801 No.11324801 [Reply] [Original]

decades in prison

no fapping

makes Marxism relevant beyond 19th century
reinvents sociology

what have you done lately, anon?

>> No.11324883

§(10). O n Machiavelli. All too often Machiavelli is considered a s the
"politician in general, " good for all seasons : this is certainly an error in
politics. Machiavelli linked to his times : 1 ) internal struggles within the
republic of Florence; 2 ) struggles among the Italian states for a reciprocal
balance of power; 3 ) struggles of the Italian states for a European balance
of power.
Machiavelli is influenced by the examples of France and Spain which
have attained strong national unity . 1 He makes an "elliptical comparison, "
as Croce would put it, 2 and deduces the rules for a strong state in general
and an Italian one in particular. Machiavelli is wholly a man of his times
and his art of politics represents the philosophy of the time that leans
toward absolute national monarchy, the structure which permits bourgeois
development and organization. In Machiavelli, one finds in nuce the
separation of powers and parliamentarianism; his "ferocity" is directed at
the residues of feudalism, not the progressive classes. The prince must put
an end to feudal anarchy and this is what Valentino3 does in Romagna,
relying on the support of the productive classes, peasants and merchants.
Given the military character of the h􀤐ad of state, as is required in a period
of struggle for the formation and the consolidation of power, the class
references contained in the Art of War must be understood as referring to
the general structure of the state : if the urban bourgeoisie wants to put an
end to internal disorder and external anarchy, it must have the support of
peasants as a mass, and create a secure and loyal armed force.4 One may
say that this essentially political conception is so dominant in Machiavelli
that it leads him into errors of a military character : he thinks primarily
of the infantry whose ranks can be filled through political action and
thus misjudges the value of the artillery. In short, he should be regarded
as a politician who must concern himself with military craft insofar as
this is necessary for his political designs, but he does so in a one-sided
manner since the center of his thought lies elsewhere.

>> No.11324892
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11324892

Was he part of the New Sincerity movement?

"§(29). Sarcasm a s an expression of transition among historicists. In
an article by Bonaventura Tecchi, "Il Demiurgo di Burzio" (Italia Letteraria,
October 20, 1929 ), from which the above cited passage by Burzio is
taken, 1 the element of "irony" is often mentioned as characteristic of this
position. "Irony" is appropriate in literature to indicate the detachment of
the artist from the sentimental content of his creation; but in the case of
historical action, the element of "irony" would be, precisely, excessively
literary (it would suffice to say simply "literary") and would indicate a
form of detachment connected, rather, to a somewhat amateurish skepticism
(caused by disillusion, weariness, or even a "superman" complex).
Instead, the characteristic element in this case (namely, in historicalaction) is "sarcasm" of a certain form, that is "passionate. " In Marx we
find the highest expression, even esthetically, of "passionate sarcasm. " To
be distinguished from other forms, whose content is the opposite to that
of Marx. In the face of popular "illusions" (belief in justice, equality,
fraternity, that is, in the elements of the "religion of humanity"), Marx
expresses himself with a passionately "positive sarcasm; " that is, one
understands that he wants to mock not the most intimate feeling of those
"illusions" but their contingent form whic):l is linked to a particular
"perishable" world, their cadaverous smell, so to speak, that leaks from
behind the painted facade. There is, on the other hand, "right-wing"
sarcasm which is rarely passionate but is always "negative, " purely destructive
not only of the contingent "form " but of the "human " content
of those sentiments. (For the meaning of "human" in this instance, see
Marx himself, especially the Holy Family. )2 Marx tries to give new form
to certain aspirations (hence he even tries to regenerate these aspirations )
not to destroy them : right-wing sarcasm tries, instead, to destroy precisely
the content of these aspirations and, in the end, the attack on their form
is nothing but a "didactic" device. -

>> No.11324895

>>11324892
This note on "sarcasm" should also examine some of its manifestations
: there has been a "mechanical " parrot-like manifestation (or one
that has assumed this character through "abuse") which has even generated
a type of code or jargon and which could give rise to biting observations.
(For example, when the words "civilization" or "civilized" are
always accompanied by the adjective "self-styled, " the doubt could arise
that one may believe in the existence of an abstract, exemplary "civilization,
" or that one may, at any rate, behave as if one believed in it- one
could, that is, obtain a result which is probably the exact opposite of the
one intended. ) One must also analyze its meaning in Marx, as a transitional
expression which seeks to establish a break from the old conceptions
while waiting for the new conceptions to gain strength through
historical development and become so dominant as to acquire the force of
"popular convictions. " 3 These new conceptions already exist among those
who use "sarcasm, " but in a phase which is still "polemical"; were they
to be expressed "without sarcasm, " they would be a "utopia" since they
would belong only to individuals or small groups. Besides, historicism
itself cannot conceive them in a manner that can be expressed in this
apodictic or sermonic form; "historicism" creates a new "taste " and a
new language. "Sarcasm" becomes the component of all these needs which
may seem contradictory. But its essential element is always its "passion.

>> No.11324910

>>11324892
wow, he was smarter than I thought