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>> No.18048910 [View]
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18048910

>>18048739
>Third world countries but not for long. Modern agribusiness (something Stalin wanted) makes them unnecessary.
Liberalizing agriculture is what Modi is trying to do, but the problem is once you displace the farm labor, where do they go? You're producing more with less, so how do you absorb this surplus population that is being displaced? Are they all going to become call center employees? I don't think so, not on that scale. So they feel like their backs are up against the wall. And the West has lost its appetite for outsourcing, and the economy there has collapsed in their worst recession since the 1950s.

Marxism is the science of revolution and I've made you a Marxist now as a thought experiment, so your job is to look for the weak link in the international chain of value production being stressed by objective, material, historical forces. You're a strategist. Where do you strike? That's where I would look. It's irrational and sounds cheesy but I would also listen to that song, that's the spirit of people who could carry out a revolution, it stirs the soul. It's their own soul and language but it's the same heroic spirit of revolutionaries of other places, times, ages. It makes me think of this sentence from the Eighteenth Brumaire:

>In like manner, the beginner who has learned a new language always translates it back into his mother tongue, but he assimilates the spirit of the new language and expresses himself freely in it only when he moves in it without recalling the old and when he forgets his native tongue.

Like I said, I'm not Nostradamus, could be wrong, but if lightning strikes, remember this. Lenin:

>To the Marxist it is indisputable that a revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation; furthermore, it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to revolution. What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a revolutionary situation? We shall certainly not be mistaken if we indicate the following three major symptoms:

>(1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the “upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to live in the old way; it is also necessary that “the upper classes should be unable” to rule in the old way;

>(2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual;

>(3) when, as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace time”, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the “upper classes” themselves into independent historical action.

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